Il PIL mondiale di oggi è per 4/5 fondato sulla finanziarizzazione. Numeri fasulli creati attraverso una tastiera e un monitor gestiti da intoccabili speculatori. Gli stessi che muovono le leve del potere mondialista e che tramite i loro pupi (i politici), ottengo favori e assenza di regole.
Andrea Virga si sofferma sulla figura di un uomo, Delio Cantimori, e al suo interest in the business world. Those were years when the policy was also against the sovereign Economics. Years in which the fate of the nation could really be changed.
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This paper intends to deal with in a concise but comprehensive essentially the question of interest and relationships Cantimori Delio (1904 - 1966) with the concept of 'corporatism', in turn central to the ideological debate and political inside of fascism developed during the entire span of the parable movimentistica and Government the foundation of the tow at the end Fighting for social justice. Apparently a broad, proves in fact never addressed and dealt directly by the historian on the plan drawn Romagna (1), which limits considerably the historiographical material available for this type of analysis. In addition, it must be said that his interest was concentrated in the first five years of the '30s, a period when in fact it was the most intense debates around the corporatism. Yet at the same time corporatism appears to be, as we shall see, a key issue in the political process of this author, and may even help to explain satisfactorily many of his choices, in particular the development from socialism array Mazzini, through fascism, Bolshevism until (2).
Cantimori was very close but the environment of Pisa Graduate School of Science in Corporate and participated in what they call the "great moment of corporatism '(3). Without doubt, he became interested in the issue, studying the various currents and proving to have in mind the different interpretations of scientific and ideological nuances, "that of the group of 'Fascist Century' to that of the Pirelli '(4)," from collectivism accentuatissimo , eg. of 'Critics' Fascist', all'accentuatissimo individualismo di A. Pirelli» (5). Al tempo stesso, il corporativismo era null’affatto un mero oggetto di studio, da esaminare asetticamente, bensì una dottrina politica cui l’autore aderiva, e al cui studio si dedicava con grande passione, pur mantenendo sempre una grande onestà critica. In una lettera, scritta a Pavia il 9 marzo 1933 e indirizzata a Giovannino Gentile, egli affermava di credere al corporativismo non come fatto ma come tendenza. Ma si può credere a un fatto? Ci credo perché non è un fatto ma un farsi. Ti dirò che ho letto con vera commozione gli articoli ultimi di Ugo Spirito, e l’avvertimento che gli è stato dato sull’Educazione Nazionale [fascista][...] Ma nonostante tutto, I know that Mussolini Pull out young people needed in this work, and above all will give the impetus to drive around the 'corporate system' and give some substance to the generic 'go to the people' (6).
In this regard it is appropriate to investigate how the extent of corporatism Cantimori become in political debate with other political realities and ideological, not least in the case of other socio-economic and political models, in addition to Fascism that he posed as alternatives to the capitalist system and liberal, as Bolshevism and National Socialism.
Il corporativismo fascista
L’interesse del giovane studioso fascista Delio Cantimori per la tematica del corporativismo è rivelato per la prima volta da uno scritto del 1930, comparso su «Vita Nova», laddove tratta del VI Congresso annuale della Federazione Internazionale delle Unioni Intellettuali, e in particolare dell’intervento di Carl Schmitt, Die europaeische Kultur in Zwischenstadien der Neutralisierung. Le corporazioni sono indicate come una sintesi di tecnica e cultura, e come la caratteristica fondamentale dello Stato fascista:
Così la organizzazione culturale delle corporazioni, dove accanto alla cultura professionale e tecnica è unita la educazione secondo la morale di ordine e disciplina che il Governo Fascista ama accentuare come propria, appare di nuovo risposta chiara e netta ai bisogni della civiltà europea, sforzo importantissimo per assimilare tutta la importanza della tecnica, alla quale le masse si volgono con desiderio ed ammirazione, ad un organismo superiore ed animato da una intensa vita morale, come è lo stato italiano (7).
Non si tratta di un intervento casuale: in quel periodo era appena stato dato nuovo slancio al corporativismo, con la nomina di Giuseppe Bottai a Ministro delle Corporazioni (12 September 1929) and the implementation of its part of a reform of the National Council of Corporations (March 20, 1930) and a Study of Corporate Stock. Cantimori not have direct contacts with the minister, but the same part in this climate, defining the contribution of Bottai at that conference, "the only relationship that makes sense of reality and is supported by the practice" (8), and reaffirming that the system Corporate is the foundation of fascism as a phenomenon of European importance and real solution to the crisis of Europe socially and economically, thus making it very different movements and regimes nationalist, racist, conservative or reactionary.
corporate fascist revolution has nothing to do with this melancholy [...]. Fascism must be the dialectical synthesis of the need represented the extreme revolutionary as the extreme reactionary: This summary Fascism has found, and Europe-wide real and not just propaganda in the corporate system, for the social problem ( 9).
This speech is addressed in the "Vita Nova", fascism, nationalism and reactions (10), where he intends to show the differences between Italian Fascism and the various nationalist movements and reactionary Europe, and If anything, its convergence with its Soviet Bolshevism, which is pointed to by the first enemy capital. This difference was already own of the Corporate State, which is acclaimed as the law of the state inextricably linked fascist ideology. Other movements is not leading to the creation of a corporate state, but rather it is aimed at preserving the existing social order in the face of Bolshevik revolutionary currents, can not be matched to fascism or even called.
Authority, Order, Justice, does not mean reaction or Restoration; the corporate state is not a medieval or absolutist state nor capitalist, and it is expressly recognized the private initiative, free. And the individual initiative, as, of course, conditioned by the state and nation, can not be started if not free, because it is easy and logical, otherwise it would no longer be such. The corporate state is not a state of civil od'impiegati, if you do not want to give the official word a meaning so broad as to identify with the word citizen! (11)
His criticism, therefore, is primarily concerned with the reactionary, with his kind of chauvinist attitudes, racist, populist, clerical, from which the press di prendere le dovute distanze:
Ora, tutto questo non ha, come è chiaro, nulla a che fare con il Fascismo, che non è il Comunismo e che quindi ha, nella sua fondamentale unità, grande varietà di atteggiamenti nei suoi uomini, fra i quali troviamo anche i reazionari […]. Su questo è inutile insistere: ogni fascista fedele al suo giuramento di fedeltà, e pronto a ubbidire agli ordini dei capi, può svolgere ed affermare le proprie idee e discutere quelle degli altri […]. Ora certi gruppi reazionari, specialmente quelli a carattere sciovinistico, hanno tutta l’aria di considerare il Fascismo, umanissimo, storicissimo movement and party, as something providentially sent to them by their superhuman and supernatural powers, to finally free from those annoying modern humans who still have the perverse idea of \u200b\u200bbeing men and not slaves [...]. There is therefore no necessary link between the chauvinistic nationalism, the source of racist and demagogic practices outside of Italy, with their reactionary ideas, and Fascism, with its revolutionary purpose seriously, with its corporate state, with his work to eliminate every vestige of the past (12).
However, at the same time, Cantimori also highly critical of the whole setting of thought he considered fascism fascist and reactionary like. It can be said that this distinction is that he relied upon, both against those who would approach the first to second to discredit fascism, both against others who would pull over and ennoble the reaction. The historic Ravenna instead reaffirms the universal value, modern, progressive and revolutionary Fascism.
Light is instead that fascism is action and reaction, and its universality has not had anything to do with Primo de Rivera, nor will it have anything to do with movements like [...] . We have already said several times how true universality in the state of Fascism is corporate and general understanding of economic life that underlies it. We like to finish as we started, our claims with comforting words of our most influential.
"Our corporate experience gives the world who struggles in the network of interference between the state, groups and individuals, clear and precise rules on the mutual behavior of these factors. The strong state, the organization of all citizens into corporate, the reconstituted family unit and especially a new morality heroic and manly, with the spirit of volunteerism and solidarity here altrettanti punti che potranno sanare la crisi europea» («Critica Fascista») (13).
Ancora, in queste poche righe, il ruolo assegnato al corporativismo è centrale a tutta l’ideologia e la prassi fascista: il corporativismo non è solo un sistema economico di gestione dei mezzi di produzione ma un sistema sociale di organizzazione della società e un sistema ideologico che comprende tutta la realtà socioeconomica. Il fascismo di Delio Cantimori o è corporativo o non è; e allo stesso modo, il corporativismo non può che dare luogo al fascismo: i due concetti sono strettamente collegati. Particolarmente interessante è l’ultimo paragrafo, che individua la necessità del corporativismo proprio in risposta al caos politico del liberalismo, in cui versava l’Europa. Il fascismo corporativista si poneva in questo modo come un’alternativa non solo al bolscevismo, ma anche ai regimi liberaldemocratici e alle dittature reazionarie.
D’altra parte, in questo senso, proprio questo tema risulta fondamentale anche per capire le motivazioni dietro alla scelta fascista di Cantimori: ovvero il lavoro di ricerca e di scommessa sul corporativismo come alternativa a una concezione reazionaria di fascismo. A questo riguardo, scrive Luisa Mangoni (14):
The discovery of the progressive emergence of a reactionary conception of fascism (15), was the idea of \u200b\u200b'State' or 'ethical society "still a viable alternative that allowed him to define fascism, within a' political vision ( ethical or political); these were also the "historical and philosophical reasons that just keep me bound, and I have not seen yet resolved," which he wrote to Cantimori Capitini, and urged him to live 'actively in politics, "in study the debate on corporatism in the aftermath of the conference in Ferrara, set out to immerse themselves "more and more in such matters" (16).
For this reason, corporatism, though not directly addressed by Cantimori, is a fundamental concept to understand his political thinking, which irrationalism and romanticism contrasted political rationalism of Hegelian idealism. In particular it should be noted that, within fascism, he is confronted with the theory of "corporate ownership" of Ugo Spirito, would support the pars destruens yes, or 'radical critique of the old' economics' "(17 ) for which his work is effectively a polemic against 'the old science, the old society, and their expressions' (18), but also its construens pars, that is also believed Cantimori "in his company to give us a full condemnation of the old economics, [he] has accompanied by a remarkable effort to reconstruct theoretically the science itself" (19). It must now consider the reports of Cantimori with other ideological models, always in the light of the corporatist model.
Note: See
- S. BARBERA, from philosophy to history: the beginnings of Delio Cantimori: 1922-1937, in G. SAMPLES - F. THE DARK - S. BARBERA, On the crisis in the current, 1981.
- Cfr. R. PERTICI, Mazzinianesimo, fascismo, comunismo: l’itinerario politico di Delio Cantimori (1919-1943), in «Cromohs», II (1997), pp. 1-128.
- D. CANTIMORI, «Cronache di politica religiosa»: I nuovi statuti dell’A.C.I., in «Civiltà Fascista», VIII (1940), pp. 705-714; ora in ID., Politica e storia contemporanea: Scritti (1927-1942), a cura di L. Mangoni, Einaudi, Torino, 1991, pp. 761-770, hic pp. 762-763.
- ID., [recensione di A. VOLPICELLI, Corporativismo e scienza del diritto, Sansoni, Firenze, 1934], in «Leonardo», VI (1935), pp. 9-10; ora in Politica e storia contemporanea, cit., pp. 573-576, hic p. 575.
- ID., Scritti sul fascismo, in «Leonardo», VI (1935), pp. 380-382; ora in Politica e storia contemporanea, cit., pp. 588-591, hic p. 588.
- G. BELARDELLI, Dal fascismo al comunismo: Gli scritti politici di Delio Cantimori, in «Storia contemporanea», XXIV (1993), pp. 379-403, hic pp. 383-384.
- D. CANTIMORI, La Cultura come Problema Sociale, in «Vita Nova», VI (1930), pp. 85-91; ora in ID., Politica e storia contemporanea, cit., pp. 71-80.
- Ivi, p. 71.
- ID., Fascismo, revolution and the European reaction, in "Vita Nova", VII (1931), pp. 759-763, now in Politics and Contemporary History, cit., Pp. 111-118, p. hic 117.
- ID., Fascism, nationalism and reaction, in "Vita Nova", VII (1931), pp. 3-6, and now in Politics and Contemporary History, cit., Pp. 81-87.
- ID., Fascism, nationalism and reaction, cit., Pp. 81-82.
- Ibid, pp. 83-85.
- Ibid, pp. 86-87.
- L. Mangone, Europe, underground, in D. Cantimori, Politics and Contemporary History, cit., Pp. xiii-xlii, p. hic xxx.
- D. Cantimori, Fascism, revolution and the European reaction, cit., and Back to the Middle Ages and the crisis of cowardice, already in "Vita Nova", VIII (1932), pp. 95-97, ibid., Pp. 119-123.
- Letter Delio Cantimori Aldo Capitini no date (August or early September 1932), in G. Giancana, Notes on the formation "religious" Aldo Capitini: Baglietto from friendship with the "Elements" (1932-1937), thesis, University of Florence, Faculty of Arts, prof. Michele Ranchetti, pp. viii-x.
- D. Cantimori, [review of the social encyclicals of Leo XIII and Pius XI, in Vita e Pensiero, Milan, 1933], in "Leonardo", IV (1933), pp. 393-394, now in Politics and Contemporary History, cit., P. 705.
- ID., [Review of A. Volpicelli, corporatism and the science of law, Sansoni, Florence, 1934], op. cit., p. 576.
- Ibid, p. 573.
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